Estuvo bien que el nuevo gobierno del Perú ratifique no invitar a Maduro a la Conferencia de las Américas de este fin de semana en Lima porque su régimen contradice la Carta Pro Democracia de la OEA. Pero no se entiende que no se aplique la misma medida a Raúl Castro.
Carlos Chávez, antecesor de Maduro, inició la quiebra de la incipiente democracia en Venezuela y ahora con Maduro esa nación está en escombros. Fidel Castro fue el inspirador y ambos recibieron apoyo para implantar allí otra “revolución socialista” que colectivice la miseria y anule las libertades inidividuales.
Mary Anastasia O´Grady, comentarista del diario The Wall Street Journal, hace un claro análisis de la contradicción de “desinvitar” a Maduro e invitar a Castro. En la nota, reproducida a continuación, resalta las atrocidades de la dictadura castrista enraizada en la Isla por más de media centuria y la complacencia de la OEA e incluso de Obama.
Hay gobernantes que son activos admiradores de los Castro, sobre todo de Fidel, como Lenín Moreno de Ecuador y otros de Nicaragua, Bolivia y de más allá de las Américas. Sin excepción, quienes exaltan a los Castro apoyan a Maduro (el caso Lenín), según sus propias confesiones.
En los Estados Unidos la izquierda siempre tuvo su “love affair” con el comunismo de la URSS, como lo probó documentadamente el senador McCarthy a mediados del siglo pasado. Obama reanudó las relaciones con Cuba y departió feliz con Raúl Castro en un juego de beisbol y antes, en una conferencia continetal, con Chávez. Eso se recuerda en una nota de este link).
Seguidamente el artículo del WSJ, en inglés, sobre Maduro y Raúl Castro:
Mary Anastasia O’Grady
Donald Trump got to the Oval Office in part because of his willingness to buck conventional narratives. When he addresses the eighth Summit of the Americas in Lima, Peru, Saturday he has a unique opportunity to live up to that reputation by telling the truth about Cuba’s totalitarian military dictatorship to a room full of people who would rather he not bring it up.
Many victims of the Castros’ revolutionary misery will be looking to the U.S. president for moral clarity on the giant crime against humanity that is Cuba, but none more than the long-suffering Cubans themselves, who are trapped on the island slave plantation and ignored by their regional brethren.
The Americas summit is almost a caricature of the classic hot-air convention. Every few years, since 1994, it gathers most of the leaders of the 34 members of the Organization of American States. There’s lots of eating and drinking to go along with the posing and pontificating for domestic consumption back home. But results are unimpressive. Despite an OAS democratic charter adopted in Lima in 2001, the Cuban disease has spread to Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua.
This year the double talk will be especially hard to take. The systematic starvation of the Venezuelan people, and the refugee crisis it has spawned, isn’t only embarrassing for a bunch that pays lip service to human rights. It is also inconvenient since so many of the wretched exiles are now turning up on neighboring doorsteps.
To signal its dissatisfaction with the Caracas regime that has been violating civil liberties since the early 2000s, the “Lima Group”—Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and St. Lucia—disinvited Venezuela to this year’s summit. This is progress and ought not go unappreciated.
Yet while Venezuela’s bus-driver-cum-dictator, Nicolás Maduro, won’t be sipping pisco sours and spooning ceviche in the Peruvian capital next weekend, the full OAS has decided that Raúl Castro, the mob boss who orchestrated the collapse of Venezuelan democracy, is most welcome.
This will go down in history as one of the most gutless decisions the region has taken in modern memory—and there’s a lot of competition. The Castro record is clear: Millions of Cubans have been summarily shot, hanged, drowned, poisoned, starved, imprisoned, tortured, sent to concentration camps, enslaved and exiled. Cubans have been stripped of their property, their right to raise their children and their freedom of conscience and religion.
Mythmakers’ claims about superior health care and education have been shot full of holes. Hospitals are run-down, unsanitary, and lacking basic medical supplies, linens and food. Many countries in the region have made far greater strides in literacy in the past half-century than Cuba, and they did it without putting their people in chains.
There is no way to sugarcoat the horror. Notwithstanding President Obama’s effort to give Raúl an image makeover during a U.S. presidential visit to the island in 2016, the brutality persists. By some measures it has grown worse as Fidel’s 86-year-old little brother prepares to step aside from the presidency on April 19. He is widely expected to hand the official title to Miguel Díaz-Canel, though Raúl will still head the Communist Party.
The passing of the nightstick will be risky for the police state. As Cuban-born writer Carlos Alberto Montaner, president of the Miami-based Interamerican Institute for Democracy, observed last week in a website post, Cuban material privation—from food to drinking water to housing, clothing and transportation—is dire. But there is also “the constant fear, the absence of rights and the unpleasant need to lie, a need all Cubans have in order to survive in a totalitarian society.” The raw failure of the system, Mr. Montaner wrote, implies something has to change as the Castro boys fade to black.
The dictatorship’s elite understand this, which is why they are doubling down on the repression. The Center for a Free Cuba reports that more than 5,100 dissidents were arrested in 2017. Eduardo Cardet Concepción, a medical doctor and leader of the Christian Liberation Movement, has been in prison since November 2016. He is accused of failing to respect “the comandante.” Amnesty International has named him a prisoner of conscience. In December he was beaten and stabbed by other prisoners.
Members of the dissident group Ladies in White are thrashed in the streets, dragged on the pavement and often detained when they try to attend Sunday Mass. In March the group’s leader, Berta Soler, was denied permission to leave the country. Havana has blocked human-rights advocates from traveling to Lima.
The State Department could have objected to Castro’s attendance and made other members explain their support. Instead Foggy Bottom has signaled complicity through silence. Many are hoping that President Trump will speak out, with the added benefit that he can deliver the message to Raúl personally.
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