Con ese cántico como trasfondo en un repleto auditorio de la Pequeña Habana, el Presidente Donald Trump hizo cierta esta tarde una de sus mayores promesas de campaña: anular la capitulación de Obama ante la dictadura castrista.
Subsistirá la prohibición al flujo de capitales para la industria del turismo, como hotelería, restaurantes y afines, por considerar que está controlada por la maquinaria estatal militar, al igual que toda otra inversión que potencie la economía estatal. El turismo hacia la Isla continuará, siempre que el hospedaje se haga en recintos privados.
El embargo, que fue establecido a raíz de la confiscación de más de 6.000 millones de dólares de inversión (al valor de 1960) norteamericana en las industrias del turismo, el transporte, el azúcar y otras, seguirá hasta que no cambie la situación política, financiera y comercial imperante allí desde hace más de media centuria.
Obama reanudó las relaciones diplomáticas con los Castro sin exigir nada a cambio ni en defensa de los intereses de los empresarios privados ni en favor de los intereses nacionales de los Estados Unidos. Tampoco pidió libertad para los presos políticos, repatriación de delincuentes ni llamado a elecciones libres.
Anunció Trump que estudiará un nuevo acuerdo que procure el beneficio real del pueblo cubano y no el fortalecimiento de un sistema que ha generado el exilio de más de dos millones de personas, encarcelamiento y muerte por fusilamiento de decenas de miles y empobrecimiento a niveles subhumanos para el resto de la población.
Enfatizó que Fidel y su hermano sobreviviente Raúl han estimulado en el contienente la desestabilidad, citando el caso concreto de Venezuela. No lo mencionó, pero el influjo castrista, vía Hugo Chávez y ahora Maduro se ha extendido a Nicaragua con Ortega, a Bolivia con Morales, a Ecuador con Correa y Moreno.
Incluso Colombia no se ha liberado de la contaminación con la extraña conversión de última data del Presidente Juan Manuel Santos, quien resolvió ceder ante las FARC y suscribir en La Habana un tratado vil que el pueblo rechazó en un referendo, pero que lo resucitó mañosamente con la complicidad de un Congreso de mayoría oficialista.
Aunque hay indicios de el tratado fracasará, el objetivo de Santos era darles a las FARC la fuerza política para que alcancen el poder con el dinero del narcotráfico para transformar al país en “socialista”, imitando a Chávez/Maduro con una Venezuela que ahora se deshace en escombros.
Santos quiere iniciar la transformación “socialista” de Colombia con una reforma agraria inspirada por los Castro (Análisis aparecido en el diario The Wall Street Journal).
Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos decreed a land reform on May 29 as part of the 2016 settlement he made with the narcoterrorist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in Havana. It parallels a similar project in Venezuela imposed by the late dictator Hugo Chávez that has caused dire food shortages. Both approaches are right out of Cuba’s totalitarian playbook.
The Castro dictatorship has been declared on the verge of collapse more than once since 1959, when it first began executing anyone it suspected of lacking revolutionary fervor. Not only has it survived, but since 1999 it has expanded its empire to include Venezuela. Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua have become Cuban satellite states. Now it’s taking Colombia. Or more accurately, after more than six decades of Marxist-inspired terrorism, Colombia decided to surrender in Havana.
The Obama administration was an accomplice. It was either too gullible or too leftist to object to an agreement that is almost certain to destroy Colombian liberty and impoverish the nation.
The Colombian democracy is already wounded, as evidenced by Mr. Santos’s decision to make the FARC agreement law even though the voters rejected it in a national plebiscite. He also placed it above the constitution. To implement it, the Santos-controlled Congress granted him rule-by-decree powers much like what Chávez got from his National Assembly.
The land reform is the product of those powers and will advance the full FARC takeover of the country’s institutions. As FARC leader Iván Márquez asserted in an October 2012 speech in Oslo, “The concept of land is inextricably linked to territory.” They “are an indivisible whole that go beyond the mere agrarian aspect and touch vital strategic interests.”
Those interests are eventual iron-fisted control of the country. It is why the FARC demanded, in Havana, that the government claim arbitrary powers to expropriate land and redistribute it. Under Mr. Santos’s decree the state will rule on whether there is an illegal concentration of land and local committees will decide when the use of private property is not meeting social or ecological interests. Courts are sidelined; property is taken administratively.
In a May 17, 2007, story about Chávez’s land reform, Journal reporter José de Córdoba explained how a similar decision to break up large ranches produced an agricultural disaster in Venezuela.
The rural areas where FARC has concentrated for transition to civilian life are also areas where there will be new property titling. Those same zones are slated to become congressional districts, where newly-minted FARC politicians, flush with weapons and cash, probably will be the only ones on the ballot.
There is no reason to trust the FARC. It agreed to turn in its weapons, itemize its assets, and turn them over to the government to compensate its many victims. The terrorists were to account for the thousands of child soldiers they have recruited to use as sex slaves and cannon fodder. The “punishment” for these atrocities is supposed to be restricted movement in rural areas for at least five years.
But the FARC has missed the deadline for arms surrender, there is no mechanism to verify full disarmament and many FARC weapons are in Venezuela. The child soldiers are still unaccounted for.
The war criminals have not been confined to designated areas as Mr. Santos promised. The Economist magazine reported in May that “60 FARC leaders already have a license to roam the country, popping up at events in universities or at the Bogotá book fair with an arrogant message of political victory.” That arrogance was on display on June 3, when Jesús Santrich and another FARC honcho burst uninvited into Senate chambers during a session.
The narcotrafficking leadership claims it is penniless. But in a June 4 interview with Noticias Caracol, Attorney General Néstor Humberto Martínez said that his office has uncovered evidence of FARC assets worth hundreds of millions of dollars that he pledged to collect. “That legend of Franciscan poverty,” he said referring to an image the FARC has long cultivated, “is about to end.”
FARC leader Ivan Márquez responded with a threat via Twitter : Mr. Martínez, he wrote, is “openly and desperately seeking the failure of the peace process.” He posted a Martínez caricature sitting down to eat a dead dove of peace and asking the waiter to serve him a “bloody quarter.”
FARC terrorists already call shots in Congress. Last month Sen. Armando Benedetti warned that if his candidate for an open seat on the constitutional court was not confirmed, the FARC would walk away from the agreement. The candidate was confirmed.
Fidel Castro gave up the armed struggle in the late 1990s and coached Chávez to gain and consolidate power via democratic institutions. With the FARC deal, Mr. Santos is shepherding Colombia’s democracy into the same slaughterhouse.
Con la política pragmática de Trump, la oxigenación económica de Obama concluirá y el ideal de que la pesadilla Castro se extinga podría dejar de ser utópica. El derrumbe de Venezuela podría ayudar a la causa cuando deje de fluir el regalo de petróleo a la Isla, que difícilmente podría Putin sustituirlo desde Rusia.
Sin las influencias negativas de Cuba y Venezuela, regímenes pro castristas como el del Ecuador tendrían que modificar sus políticas para sobrenadar. El sucesor de Rafael Correa, Lenín Boltaire Moreno (así, con B) pretende ocultar su verdadero ego político, pero la carta de pésame que dirigió a Raúl por la muerte de su hermano, lo desnuda por completo.
Donald J. Trump, cuya popularidad crece (ahora al 50%) pese a la furiosa campaña en su contra de los principales medios de comunicación, ha hecho lo que debía hacer con la dictadura castrista: cercarla hasta que expire y sea finalmente sustituída por un gobierno de consenso popular, no de opresión.
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